The larger context of Chad is best understood as a proxy war with Sudan. Each government is basically supporting the other's rebels. The two main rebel factions of Sudan are JEM and SLA, both of which are present in eastern Chad. JEM more in the north and SLA more in the south. The chadian president is of the Zaghawa tribe, whith whom JEM identifies, for our work this has significant implications.
We provide services in two refugee camps in the east (there are 12 refugee camps in total-about 250,000 people-in the east and many more IDP camps, which are not supported by UNHCR and thus are in very poor condition with the majority of IDPs several times displaced).
The more southern of the camps is Hadjir Hadid/Bredjig. This camp is a pretty conventional set up but has a difficult relationship with the local authority there. This is where the director of Save the Children was assasinated last year-the incident assumed to be related to this guy. But the camp doesn't play into the larger context of the war.
The more northern camp is Bahai/Oure Cassoni. This camp is a stronghold of JEM meaning they have complete power in the camp; child soldiers are being recruited; and the market in the camp had to be closed recently because arms were being sold, whilst NGO's were running protection programs nonetheless!
The chadian president, Idriss Deby, strongly supports JEM and is from this general area. This camp is not in accordance with international standards at all, not only from the point of it being militarized but also because it is less than 50 km from the border. The NGOs and UN have been pointing this out to the government from the beginning, when it was meant to be a transitory camp only. The government has not seemed to care, benefitting from the proximity to the border for JEM.
Last month the president spent the holiday in the area, which disrupts things significantly as Chadian soldiers accompany him and tend to wreak havoc on the local population-one large area of town was literally emptied because of fear of rape and assaults. After that visit by the president he ordered the camp be moved.
As to why the change of heart is speculative but one logical reason is that JEM has splintered with some forming an alliance with...Bashir, the Sudanese President, nonetheless This development exemplifies that iconflict is often more about strategy and opportunism than ideology. Because of the splintering, Deby may be looking to fortify Bahai and build a military base to secure the area.
Obviously, NGOs wouldn't stay and there would no longer be a benefit to have the camp there. He has ordered the site be moved about 45 km west of Bahai; more inland which complies with standards, conveniently in the town his mother lives. Apparently, he has built this place up signicantly with american pre-fab housing that stand empty, solar panelling, and the like. When NGO's arrive, the local economy is drastically distorted as price of living becomes exorbitant and resources such as water become strained-which is happening in Abeche now. But since Deby will likely have a hand in who benefits from the boost in commerce it will be convenient for him.
As for repatriation/resettlement, UNHCR wants to start but neither government is willing to talk. Because of the conditions in Darfur and the length of displacement it makes sense to resettle some in Chad, but the sudanese government opposes the idea although they will not accept their return. Consequently, UNHCR is paralyzed. They have gotten donor governments involved (US and Euro) both of whom have excepted a small number (in the hundreds), which is trifling compared to the need (millions) but symbolic.
One sign of progress is the chadian government's recent approval of issuing refugee id cards. This may not seem significant but it is one step in securing their rights and will deter local authorities from arbitrary harrassment.
As for the coup attempt by chadian rebels to overthrow Deby last year, they were able to defeat the chadian army at the border coming into Chad from Darfur and made it all the way to the capital (N'Djamena) where it is believed that french special forces helped to defeat the rebels. As a former French colony, the French continue to have significant power and an interest in chadian political and economic developments.
